By Agnes Kory
Unlike the so–called Terezín composers — Viktor Ullman, Gideon Klein, Pavel Haas and Hans Krása — whose names and works have become relatively well known in recent years, the Hungarian Jewish composers who were murdered during the Holocaust remain nearly unknown. All seven of those who have been rediscovered so far died young, before they had fulfilled their potential. Yet, in spite of adverse circumstances, all had produced work of value. The amount of work that appears to have survived varies; what they shared was an untimely, tragic end, followed by artistic oblivion. The following information about the seven Hungarian Jewish composers (presented here in alphabetical order) is the fruit of my attempts, so far, to rectify the situation.
Pál Budai
Budapest Music Academy yearbooks show that Pál Budai was a student of violin and composition there from 1922 to 1928. During the last two years, his composition teacher was Zoltán Kodály. In the 1930s Budai spent three and half years in Paris, where he led the orchestra faculty at the École Normale Supérieure. In 1940 the highly respected Hungarian musicologist Antal Molnár briefly analyzed Budai's early Rondino for piano (published in Paris) and forecast a great future for the composer. Fifteen years later, Molnár wrote that Budai had been particularly suited for the comic opera and ballet genres; he analyzed and praised the music for the ballet Babadoktor (Doll Doctor), the Two Pieces for violin, the Burlesque for piano and what was apparently Budai's most popular composition, the Elegy and Scherzo for string orchestra. According to Molnár, Budai's sense of comic opera style was effectively manifested in his Divertimento cycle for string orchestra. His desire to keep on studying, as well as his artistic integrity, would have ensured Budai's progress, which came to an end with his early death.
Although I met and interviewed Budai's widow over forty-five years ago, I have not yet found further information about him, and I have discovered only two short compositions by him: the early Rondino and a set of six short pieces for children – both published in Paris in the early 1930s – as well as excerpts from the piano version of the ballet Doll Doctor, published in Budapest in 1966. The music analyzed by Antal Molnár in 1955 has yet to be rediscovered.
Budai made use of Jewish melodies in the children's pieces (meant, most likely, to be listened to by children rather than played by them) and dedicated the set to Albert Neuburger, whose firm, Edition Senart, published it in 1933.
Jenő Deutsch
Deutsch was Bartók's gifted piano pupil, copyist and occasional music transcriber. He copied Bartók's 27 choruses for children's and female voices, the collection of Turkish folk music and most of the monumental Rumanian Folk Music; he also transcribed recorded folk music for Bartók's 1939 Pátria records. One week before the ultra-fascist Szálasi (of the Arrow Cross) seized control in Hungary, Kodály – who taught composition at the Music Academy – wrote in support of Jenő Deutsch who, however, was murdered.
Budapest, 8th October 1944
My ex-student Jenő Deutsch is one of the most outstanding and most versatile Hungarian musicians. His disappearance, should it prove to be final, would be the most painful loss to our musical life. Not only is he an excellent pianist and organist (in this respect I can speak on behalf of Béla Bartók, Deutsch's professor who is currently abroad but whose opinion I know well) but owing to his exceptional musical intelligence and to his skills in all branches of composition, Jenő Deutsch is an outstanding teacher, original thinker and author.
He also worked as an ethnomusicologist and has gained valuable experience in transcribing melodies from the phonograph. We badly miss the expertise of our colleague Jenő Deutsch. Bearing in mind that his humanity, character, modesty and unconditional reliability surpass standards which are usually considered at such requests, I warmly recommend the favorable consideration of his application. Zoltán Kodály
It is not clear whether this letter ever reached the forced labor camp, or even whether Deutsch was still alive.
Kodály had attempted to save Jenő Deutsch and László Weiner, another of his excellent students, in time. In 1939 he had tried in vain to secure positions for them at the Conservatorium in Melbourne, Australia.
Although, as the Budapest Music Academy's relevant year books (1928-34) demonstrate, Deutsch studied piano and organ with Bartók and Aladár Zalánfy, respectively, it is possible that he also studied composition, as Kodály's letter seems to indicate, and was good at it. Sadly, very little information about Deutsch is available. In spite of his important work for Bartók, he does not seem to appear in any biographical lexicons, nor have I yet found any composition by him.
There may now be only one person alive who knew Deutsch, although not very well. In November 2007, Peter Bartók, the 84-year-old son of Béla Bartók, sent me the following information:
Jenő was employed by my father for a long time, music copying with his fine calligraphy. I believe the Rumanian and Turkish folksong collections, as published, had the handwritten music notes by Deutsch. It is sad to know his fate. I have never met him face-to-face; my awareness of his presence in the house was when, while we were eating lunch, we heard outside on the staircase someone "roll down the stairs", like a machine gun; he had very fast moving legs and, when he was leaving, he never interrupted us. This was the stairway that the Hungarians removed from the house on Csalán út.
György Justus (Jusztus)
György Justus (or Jusztusz) (Budapest, April 24, 1898 – Budapest, January 1945) was a composer, musicologist and choir master. He was impoverished throughout his life and had to struggle exceptionally hard to survive. Justus studied violin and composition, the latter in Berlin during the 1920s; he returned home in 1927. He published almost thirty substantial papers on music, dance and theatre in Hungarian journals but was mostly interested in folksong research and comparative folklore and in establishing folksong choirs, which he conducted and for which he composed. His choirs also staged works like the Brecht/Weill Threepenny Opera, in which Justus often sang with great success. He played the violin, when one was needed, in the accompanying band. His orchestra regularly performed compositions by many contemporary Hungarian composers.
Justus was impoverished all his adult life. Although he worked all the time, he did not have a regular income. Indeed, he was very rarely paid for any of his work. For many years he had no home, slept wherever he could and wrote his essays and compositions on park benches and in coffee houses. He composed in his head, although the Korda brothers (music publishers, not to be confused with the film moguls) allowed him to use the piano in their storeroom, helped him as much as they could and published his early Jazz Suite for piano. Justus had a large group of friends, all of whom supported him as best they could, even if only with warm meals.
Although choral works account for most of Justus's compositional output, he also wrote songs, instrumental and orchestral works and musical plays. His Burlesque for violin and orchestra (1925) was played by two leading Hungarian violinists of the day, Ödön Pártos and György Garai, and in 1939 the prestigious Budapest Philharmonic performed some of his works. Justus and his wife, the writer Kató Ács, created a children's oratorio that was given favorable consideration by the Hungarian National Theater – but by then anti-Jewish discriminatory laws were in force, and the theater wanted to put an “Aryan” name on it instead of Justus's name. He and his “Aryan” wife refused the offer, and the oratorio was not performed.
Justus was taken to forced labor in the autumn of 1943. In 1944 he escaped from Transylvania and went into hiding in Budapest. In November the Hungarian Nazis (Arrow Cross) caught him, after which he disappeared. According to some sources he was killed in Budapest in January 1945.
Writing in 1955, Antal Molnár declared that in the slightly undisciplined yet interesting Jazz Suite (1928) Justus had not yet found his own voice. More individual is the song “Struggling with Sorrow” (1930; a setting of a poem by Csokonai), with which Justus won first prize at a national song competition. His mature style can be heard in several piano-accompanied songs for children and in the Villon Ballade (1935) for baritone or mezzo-soprano and orchestra. Molnár also mentions Justus's very effective choral work, 'No'. I have inspected over forty of Justus's music manuscripts and have found many of his compositions to be more than worthy of performance. I also discovered old editions of two of Justus's works – the Jazz Suite and the lighthearted waltz-song, “Sometimes in the Evening.” Justus wrote the song's text as well as its music, dedicated the song to his mother and – as per the title page – arranged for its publication. But the address printed on the title page, given as that of the composer, was really the address of Sándor Vándor, another composer, because Justus was homeless. The song's words express Justus's longing for his mother and for Pest (the Pest section of Budapest). Three verses address the mother, and the refrain, heard three times, is about Pest. Although this song is apparently in a light vein, in retrospect there is nothing light about it. Justus escaped from forced labor in Transylvania because he was homesick for Budapest. Perhaps he would have survived the labor camp instead of being killed by Budapest's fascists.
Sándor Kuti
From Kuti's autobiography, written in 1944, shortly before he perished in a German concentration camp:
I was born in 1908, in a dilapidated block of flats in the Óbuda district of Budapest. My parents were poor, permanently struggling. From the age of three my favorite pastime was to invent various scenes and to add music to them. My first notated compositions date from my ninth year. But I started serious music studies only after my matriculation, at the age of eighteen. I studied at the Budapest Academy of Music. I obtained my highest degree, the artist diploma, under the supervision of Ernő Dohnányi. Since then I have taught private pupils and worked as a choral répétiteur. My artistic credo: to serve truth, freedom and human dignity. My piano compositions have been performed in Budapest, Amsterdam, Copenhagen, Vienna, Paris and overseas; my chamber music and choral compositions have been performed in Budapest.
Although Kuti does not mention it, he was disadvantaged and poor throughout his whole life. At the end of this short autobiography Kuti provides a list of his compositions, including his two string quartets (1928, 1934), three string trios (1929, 1932, 1933), Rondo for symphony orchestra (1933), Sonata for two violins (1933), Piano Suite (1935), Sonatina for piano (1936), fifteen songs on poems by Lajos Hollós-Korvin, several choral works, pieces for children and songs on poems by Attila József. Although Kuti wrote this memoir shortly before he was murdered, he had yet to compose his last work, a solo sonata for violin.
Antal Molnár describes Kuti's music as “sincere in emotions and disciplined in form.” He calls the three-movement solo violin sonata one of Kuti's best works; it was “written on self-lined pages in a forced labor camp in the summer of 1944 and sent to his wife 'with lots of love and longing'”. The sonata is “heartbreakingly expressive,” Molnár says, “but it is also an example of cyclic relationships. The closing movement incorporates main ingredients from the previous movements.”
Kuti's compositions were well received by national and international critics as early as his Music Academy diploma concert, which he shared with his fellow student and close friend György (later Sir Georg) Solti. (Solti, towards the end of his life, described Kuti as having been “exceptionally gifted” and wrote: “I used to visit him at his family's desperately poor little catacomb of a home. I am convinced that had he lived, he would have become one of Hungary's greatest composers....”) Kuti's other close friends included the poet Hollós-Korvin, the pianist Andor Földes – who premiered Kuti's Piano Suite, with great success, in Amsterdam in 1935 – and the composer Endre Szervánszky. During the war, the non-Jewish Szervánszky tried to protect Jews; his courage was acknowledged by the Yad Vashem organization, which, in 1998 – twenty-one years after his death – described him as one of the “righteous among the nations.” One of Kuti's string quartets and one of his string trios were published posthumously in 1965 and 1966, respectively; a choral work was included in a collection of Jewish Folk Choruses in 1948, but other Kuti works remain in manuscript, and some may be lost.
Walter Lajthai-Lazaru
OMIKE (Országos Magyar Izraelita Közművelődési Egyesület) was the wartime Hungarian Jewish organization that provided work, as long as it could, to Jewish artists who were banned from employment elsewhere. Walter Lajthai-Lazarus was an OMIKE composer and also an OMIKE conductor. On May 11 and 13, 1942, his one-act “comic opera scene” Szerencse (Fortune) was premiered. I have not yet found any other information about him.
Sándor Vándor
Thanks to the choir named after him, Vándor is not entirely unknown. He even merited twelve lines in the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. But his work as a composer and educator is largely forgotten. From 1920 on, Vándor (originally Venetianer; Miskolc, July 28, 1901– Sopronbánfalva, January 14, 1945) studied in Berlin and then as Paul Graener's composition student at the Leipzig Music Academy, from which he graduated. He worked as an opera répétiteur in Italy from 1924 until he returned to Hungary in 1932, after which he worked as an opera conductor and répétiteur and led several workers' choirs without payment. He conducted the choir that eventually took his name from 1936 until November 1944, when he was taken to Sopronbánfalva by the Hungarian Nazis and died under torture.
As a conductor, Vándor consistently promoted works by Bartók and Kodály, and he published articles about Bartók, Kodály, Mussorgsky and Shostakovich. In addition to Hungarian, he was fluent in German, Russian, English, French, Italian and Spanish. In 1940, during his three-month Ruthenian forced labor period, he learned Ruthenian and collected Ruthenian folksongs. Although as a composer Vándor was best known for his choral works, he was prolific in many genres and was well received by audiences and critics alike. Distinguished artists, such as the pianist György Sándor and the singer Vera Rózsa, performed at concerts of Vándor's compositions, which include instrumental, chamber, orchestral, vocal/choral and stage works. Only one of Vándor's compositions was published during his lifetime: The Machine, for piano solo, won the silver medal at an international competition for piano compositions in Eastern Europe in 1934. His second opera was left unfinished at the time of his death.
Many of Vándor's forty or more compositions were published posthumously, but they are not easy to come by. Many – perhaps all – of his manuscripts survive.
Molnár writes that some of Vándor's songs are among the treasures of Hungarian Lieder, and Fejes (1967) analyzes the String Quartet, the Sonatina for solo viola, First Sonata for violin and piano, other instrumental and chamber works, several songs, choral works and Vándor's only completed opera, which was written in the Brecht/Weill mode. Fejes emphasizes what he describes as Vándor's revolutionary choral chansons, the best of which - “Mondd, mit érlel” (“What will become of him”) – combines Hungarian folksong elements with 20th-century workers' songs ŕ la Hanns Eisler. Vándor arranged folksongs of many nations; his most substantial Hungarian folksong arrangement was The Ballad of Anna Fehér for solo female voice, mixed choir and piano (1941).
László Weiner
With the possible exception of Lajthai-Lazarus, about whom I have yet to find data, Weiner (Szombathely, April 9, 1916– Lukov, July 25, 1944) was the youngest of the seven Hungarian Jewish composers who perished in the Holocaust. The Budapest Music Academy yearbooks show that Weiner was Kodály's composition pupil from 1934 until 1940 and that he also studied piano and conducting there.
As was mentioned in connection with Jenő Deutsch, Kodály tried to save Weiner as well as Deutsch as early as 1939, when he attempted to find positions for these two gifted Jewish musicians in Melbourne, Australia. In 1943, he again made an effort on Weiner's behalf:
To The Major General 12th July 1943, Budapest
Dear Sir,
Please allow me to draw your attention to my ex-student László Weiner. He is expected to become an outstanding composer and pianist. Two years ago a composition of his won the national competition. Weiner already spent 13 months in forced labor, partly with heavy manual work. I believe that the continuation of such work will put his future at risk: he will be unable to carry out the cultural work for which he studied and obtained qualifications. I would appreciate it if, circumstances allowing, future work assignments would take into consideration Weiner's profession and individual abilities so that his future should not be jeopardized. I am sure that, as far as possible, we can rely on your good will.
With much appreciation,
Yours very sincerely: Zoltán Kodály
Endre Gaál, music critic for the important daily newspaper Magyar Nemzet (Hungarian Nation), attended two of Weiner's premieres – both in 1942 – and reported favorably on them.
Weiner dedicated most of his compositions to his wife, the excellent singer Vera Rózsa. They had met as students at the Music Academy, married in 1942 and continued to make music together at OMIKE's concerts whenever they had the chance. OMIKE gave as many opportunities as possible to Jewish artists, but the fact that the young Weiner had to be accommodated alongside well-known mature artists limited his opportunities. He conducted, accompanied and taught – and had some of his works performed – there from 1941 until December 7, 1942. He was scheduled to conduct a Beethoven evening in February 1943, but by then he was in a forced labor camp. He was 25 or 26 when he composed his last works and 28 when he was murdered at the Lukov forced labor camp on July 25, 1944.
Vera Rózsa survived the Holocaust and became a well-known singing teacher in England. She taught at The Royal Northern College of Music in Manchester, at the Guildhall School of Music and Drama in London and privately.
Molnár writes: “In spite of his youth, Weiner developed a musical style that would have been unimaginable without Kodály, but Weiner was no epigone. His ideas were melodic, well formed and rich in harmonies.”
On May 2, 1994, fifty years after he was murdered, a memorial concert was arranged for Weiner in the Goldmark Hall, which was the OMIKE concert venue. The concert included four of Weiner's compositions, and the performers – including cellist Janos Starker – had personal links to László Weiner. Thanks mostly to the violist Pál Lukács, Weiner's Violin and Viola duo, Viola Sonata and Triple Concerto were published by Editio Musica in 1958, 1961 and 1965, respectively; the Three Songs in 1994; the Overture in 1995; and the four-part chorus in 2001. Yet his works are still little known, and he is often confused with the much older Leó Weiner.
©2009 by Agnes Kory
Hungarian-born Agnes Kory is the founder-director of the Béla Bartók Centre for Musicianship (London), where children as young as two years old, as well as professional musicians, study. Once a professional cellist, she now focuses on research into such topics as Bartók, Kodály, Baroque instrumentation and Music of the Holocaust.
In Memoriam: Hungarian Composers Victims of the Holocaust [CD].
Significant development of classical music in Hungary, including music education, did not begin until well into the second half of the nineteenth century. The Philharmonic Society (Filharmóniai Társaság) was formed in 1853, while the Opera House opened only in 1884. Despite this relatively late beginning, standards were high from the outset. The highly skilled composer/conductor/pianist Ferenc Erkel headed both institutions.
Erkel conducted the first Philharmonic concert on 20 November 1853 as well as a further sixty concerts in subsequent years. He remained at the helm of the Philharmonic Society for eighteen years (1853-1871), and stability was maintained through the fact that all the chief conductors who succeeded him served for long periods. Ernst von Dohnanyi (Dohnányi Ernő) was the longest serving music director (1918-1943). Composers such as Brahms, Dvořák, Mahler, Mascagni, Prokofiev, Ravel, Respighi, Richard Strauss and Stravinsky conducted their own compositions, while guest conductors included, among others, Hans Richter and Arthur Nikisch. Programming was innovative; for instance Mahler’s first symphony was premiered by this orchestra in 1889. The orchestra also served as that of the Opera House – a model still in use today – and in that capacity one of its music directors was Gustav Mahler from 1888 to 1891.
The establishment of the Hungarian National Conservatoire (Nemzeti Zenede) in 1840 was a great boon to music education. Standards improved further with the opening in 1875 of the Music Academy, whose founder-director was Ferenc (Franz) Liszt.
Jewish participation was significant in all Hungarian music institutions, as in other cultural fields. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the proportion of Jews at opera performances was so high that the political right-wing objected to state subsidy for the opera. Nevertheless, by 1888, the Jewish Gustav Mahler was serving as music director. Jews also participated actively in Opera House productions. One of the most popular singers in the company’s early history was the Jewish bass David Ney, and repetiteurs included Antal Dorati (Antal Deutsch, 1927-1929) and Georg Solti (1933-1939). Solti made his highly successful conducting debut here in March 1938 with Mozart’s Marriage of Figaro. On the other hand, Dorati conducted concerts with the Opera orchestra – that is, with the Philharmonic Society – in 1932 and 1933.
Jews also made up a significant proportion of teachers and students at the National Conservatoire as well as the Academy. Ferenc Weisz, who later as Franz Weisz was a leading composer and pianist in Holland (until he was deported to Terezín and subsequently murdered), undertook all his studies at the Conservatoire. At the Academy, teachers included the cellist David Popper (the son of a Prague chazzan) already in the 1880s. The Jewish pianist István Thomán was a favourite student of Liszt before becoming a teacher at the Academy. Among others, he taught Dohnányi and Bartók. Composer and chamber music tutor Leó Weiner, one of the most influential teachers in Hungary, was on the teaching staff from 1908. Jewish students at the Academy included conductors Antal Dorati, Fritz Reiner and Georg Solti, pianists Louis Kentner and Ilona Kabos and violinist Joseph Szigeti. Many Jewish musicians who trained at the National Conservatoire and at the Academy perished in the Holocaust.
Jewish participation in cultural fields, as in other fields, was hampered by the numerus clausus law passed in 1920. According to the laws, Jewish students were to be represented at universities in accordance with their proportion of the population. Many Jewish students were thus unable to gain admission to Hungarian universities, and thus left to study elsewhere in Europe. Under pressure from the League of Nations, a new law passed in 1928 changed the race/religion percentage to that of class percentages, but this change still left Jewish students at a disadvantage. However, it appears that the Music Academy ignored, even sabotaged, the numerus clausus law. During 1920-26, the percentage of Jewish students at the Academy was 40.9% rather than the required 5%.
By 1920, antisemitism was more evident on the streets, and it also reached the Opera House. In April, during a performance of Richard Wagner’s Die Walküre, an anti-Semitic demonstration in the auditorium was directed against the Jewish baritone Lajos Rózsa. Rózsa accused some of his right-wing colleagues of organising the demonstration. He left the Opera House and immigrated to America. Although under less dramatic circumstances, other Jewish artists – for instance conductors Fritz Reiner and George Szell – also left.
As a result of pressure both from within Hungary as well as from outside, in 1938 the first Jewish law was passed in the Hungarian parliament. Article XV specified areas where the Jewish workforce could not be larger than 20%. The term Jewish here meant people of the Jewish faith. In 1939, a second Jewish law tightened the noose. By now, a person with at least one parent or two grandparents born into the Jewish faith was classified as a Jew. In cultural fields the 20% quota was reduced to 6%, although in exceptional circumstances a further 3% could be employed. In theory, Jews were not allowed to work in state sponsored institutions at all. In practice, until the German occupation of Hungary in March 1944, Jews continued to work in the above mentioned percentage. Nevertheless, the second Jewish law forced the Opera House to dismiss 37 of its Jewish performers.
The Jewish laws did not eliminate Jewish participation from Hungarian musical life. The database for Budapest concerts – in autumn 2012 under construction at the Hungarian Institute for Musicology – shows Jewish artists in evidence in public concerts. In 1939, distinguished pianists Ignaz Friedman, Lajos Heimlich Hernádi, and Annie Fischer and violinist Joseph Szigeti all performed on Budapest concert stages; Imre Ungár and Annie Fischer appeared in 1940. The Music Academy’s public concert stage continued to serve Jewish students and ex-students such as singer Vera Rózsa, composer Sándor Vándor, and pianist Jenő Deutsch. Annie Fischer performed at the Music Academy in 1941, and Imre Ungár appeared as late as 1943 and 1944 in the prestigious Pesti Vigadó concert hall, as did composer-pianist György Kósa (although the latter at the Scottish Mission). [The Scottish Mission, a Protestant group, had been active in Budapest since 1841. They opened their doors to everyone during the Jewish persecution. Their leader, Jane Marianne Haining was arrested by the Gestapo and deported to Auschwitz.] Gradually, however, Jewish artists were squeezed out of public concert life.
Right-wing individuals and press made the most of the Jewish laws. Andor Tolnay, a theatre director in Pécs, broke his contract with Jewish conductor Vilmos Komor on racial grounds in 1938, despite the fact that within the 1938 law Komor was entitled to continue his work. Journalist Zsolt Ihász attacked conductor Komor in Összetartás, a weekly newspaper published by the fascist Arrow-Cross Party, on 7 August 1938. Ihász accused Komor of employing an excessive proportion of Jewish artists for his longstanding orchestral series and charged that he was anti-Christian.
The musical press seems to have maintained a neutral attitude. The Magyar Zenei Almanach, reporting on and summarising Hungarian music life for the period 1942-43, lists musicians and singers as individuals as well as ensemble members for 1942-43. Their list of 500 individual artists does not seem to include a single Jew, not even bass Mihály Székely, who was the only Jewish principal singer appearing in the Budapest Opera House right until the German occupation in March 1944. (On the other hand, the list of artists supplied by the Opera in the same Almanach does include Székely). The Almanach’s list of about 900 choirs ignores the choir led by Jewish composer Sándor Vándor. The Hungária Zenei Lexikon (published in May 1945, apparently without alterations, although with additions after the main text) includes Jewish artists without mentioning their Jewishness and subsequent fate. For instance, this is what the Lexikon states about two outstanding singers: 'Andor Lendvai, 1902-, opera singer, baritone. He was member of the Munich and Budapest opera houses.' 'Gabriella Relle, 1902-, she studied with Anthes at the Music Academy and was employed already as a student by the Opera until 1939. Excellent dramatic soprano.' Not a word is offered as to why Lendvai and Relle were no longer members of the opera house.
A Zene, a distinguished fortnightly music journal with excellent musicologists among its contributors, appears to have aimed at balance. In March 1938, it reported on the Byzance Suite by Jewish composer György Ránki, but also reported on the Adolf Hitler music schools in Germany. In April 1939, the news section reported that Vienna had changed some of its street names; hence the street names Mendelssohn, Mahler, Meyerbeer and Ferdinand Lőwe had ceased to exist. No comment is added to this piece of news. There was one article that openly took sides against political interference in music: in March 1941, Ödön Geszler questioned movements such as the Nazis’ Entartete Musik, which judged music on political rather than musical grounds. But in May 1942, a piece by Tibor Miklósy (a Hungarian writing from Berlin) praised the principles and activities of the Reichsmusikkammer. It took no issue with the requirement that Reichsmusikkammer membership was governed by the Nuremberg race laws. However, Miklósy mentioned that a few selected Jews were allowed to work in the Reich and that the same principle should be applied in Hungary too.
Banned from public appearances by the Jewish laws, Hungarian artists of the Jewish faith found refuge in the form of paid work within the OMIKE Artist Action, which was started in 1939. OMIKE (the Országos Magyar Izraelita Közművelődési Egyesület, Hungarian Jewish Educational Association) was founded in 1910 and was intended to cultivate traditional Judaism within a modern environment. The brainchild of Géza Ribáry, a lawyer, passionate music lover and amateur pianist, the OMIKE Artist Action aimed to provide at least a modest income for a large number of Jewish artists. The number of unemployed Jewish musicians and singers was higher than that of Jewish artists in other fields. As a result, musical events, operas, and concerts were more numerous than theatrical performances and events dealing with fine arts.
Initially, operas within the OMIKE Artist Action project were given in concert performances with piano accompaniment: for instance, Verdi’s Nabucco (January 1939), César Franck’s Rebecca (February 1940), Beethoven’s Fidelio (November 1940) and Halevy’s The Jewess (December 1940). In 1940, conductor Vilmos Komor was appointed to be in charge of opera. He insisted on full-blown theatrical performances to achieve the highest possible standard. Thus the Goldmark Hall, a venue for Jewish cultural activities since about 1930, was reconstructed to facilitate a theatre with a stage as well as with appropriate space for the orchestra. The reconstructed theatre seated only 372 people, but the standard of performances rivalled and probably even surpassed those given at the Opera House; thus audiences were willing to pay for higher ticket prices.
Between January 1941 and March 1944, when the German occupation of Hungary terminated all OMIKE activities, twenty operatic productions graced the Goldmark stage: Mozart’s The Abduction from the Seraglio, Rossini’s Barber of Seville, Puccini’s La bohčme, Verdi’s Traviata, Mozart’s The Magic Flute, Puccini’s Madame Butterfly, Beethoven’s Fidelio, Leoncavallo’s Pagliacci, Verdi’s Masked Ball, Goldmark’s The Queen of Sheba, Verdi’s Rigoletto, Offenbach’s Tales of Hoffmann, Donizetti’s Don Pasquale, Eugen d' Albert’sThe Lowlands, Verdi’s The Troubadour, Verdi’s Aida, Donizetti’s Lucia Lammermoor, Otto Nicolai’s Merry Wives of Windsor, Mozart’s Marriage of Figaro and Gounod’s Faust. The singers included such outstanding and experienced artists as Dezső Ernster, Oszkár Kálmán, Andor Lendvai and Gabriella Relle.
OMIKE concerts seem to have been of a very high standard. Song recitals, instrumental recitals and orchestral concerts included repertoire from Bach to contemporary music. Pianists Jenő Deutsch, Annie Fischer, Ági Jámbor, Renée Sándor, György Sebők, László Weiner, violinists Ferenc Ákos, Viktor Ajtay/Adler, Róbert Gerle, György Trietsch, violist Pál Lukács, cellists Vera Dénes, Pál Hütter and Janos Starker, flute player Pál Pollák as well as many others including orchestra members were highly gifted and highly motivated artists. Orchestral conductors were also musicians of high quality: Sándor Fischer, László Káldi, Vilmos Komor, Frigyes Sándor, László Somogyi and László Weiner secured excellent standards. The performance of Händel’s oratorio Judas Maccabeus in the magnificent Dohány synagogue on 23 June 1941 must have been a truly poignant occasion. Conductor László Weiner, solo singers Pál Fehér, Dezső Ernster, Zsuzsa Pogány, Vera Rózsa and György Weiner as well as chorus, orchestra and indeed the audience must have felt the significance of the Maccabees’ victory and, perhaps, hope too was present on this occasion.
On 11 December 1941, A Magyar Zsidók Lapja (The Journal of Hungarian Jews) reported that at the previous Monday evening’s OMIKE concert – presumably referring to Monday 8 December 1941 – Bartók’s Divertimento for string orchestra received its first performance in Hungary. The audience was overwhelmed by the Hungarian mood and colourful instrumentation of the piece; their enthusiastic applause was rewarded by the repeat of the third movement as an encore. Other pieces on the programme were a Händel overture, a Bach concerto and Mozart’s G minor symphony. The excellent conductor Frigyes Sándor was warmly appreciated by the audience. Bartók’s Divertimento is mentioned again in connection with an OMIKE concert on Monday 9 February 1942. According to the ten-line report by the influential daily Magyar Nemzet (Hungarian Nation), the gifted young conductor Sándor had not only premiered Bartók’s Divertimento in Hungary but, on this occasion, he performed it for the fourth time. The reviewer highly praised Sándor’s interpretation of the piece which was performed alongside Bach and Mozart, Sándor’s other ideal composers.
The OMIKE Artist Action did not forget the significance of music education. Under the expert leadership of music scholar Zsigmond László, the Goldmark Music Academy was established. Noted scholars and artists contributed their skills to overcome what they regarded as a temporary situation.
All OMIKE activities had to cease when the Germans invaded Hungary in March 1944. Some OMIKE artists survived the Holocaust. But others, as many of their audiences, perished.